Slide Sets

The man whose name is affixed to the Map of Virginia, Captain John Smith, is the soldier-adventurer whose exploits have been retold again and again in many media in countless American classrooms. Any attempt we might make now to define who John Smith really was is affected by whatever images of him—visual or otherwise—have been previously given to us. In the same way, we can look at his Map of Virginia and understand it in terms of the images it borrowed from and how it, as an image, affected what came after. By doing this, we can consider how our ideas of what the “New World” really was—and is—are influenced by those images that preceded our own apprehension of it.

The following six slides represent approximately seventy years of English colonization in North America. The first two images appeared among twenty-eight in the first scholarly work to offer visual images of the new world to Europe, Theodore de Bry’s America. The third and fourth, Smith’s map of Virginia and an enlarged section of it, borrow these images; the fifth borrows from Smith’s in return, and the sixth, while not a direct derivation, shows interesting traces of and variations on the Smith map’s conventions.

Several English attempts to land settlers in North America in the 1570s failed, and even Sir Walter Raleigh’s attempts to found the Roanoke colony did not result in a permanent settlement. The efforts organized by him did, however, include a full year (April, 1585 to June, 1586) of habitation and exploration of the coastal region within the Outer Banks of what is now North Carolina. This expedition provided the material for Thomas Hariot’s Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia, first published in 1588 and immediately reprinted: first in Richard Hakluyt’s Principal Navigations in 1589, and second, with engravings made from drawings made during the same year by John White, in America, published in 1590 by Theodore de Bry (Slides 1 and 2).

At the same time that these efforts at western exploration in Roanoke were showing little success in England, a differently organized venture was being undertaken in the opposite direction. One goal of expansion was financial return, which was to come either from the resources found in the new lands or from a supposed passage to the riches of “Cataia,” or Cathay, what we now call China. This was the objective that had led to the formation of the Muscovy Company, which traded across land routes and searched for a Northeast Passage north of Russia during the late decades of the sixteenth century. Of course, neither the Northeast nor the Northwest passage was to be found; but the investors of the Muscovy Company received higher returns from the trading it did accomplish because it was held as a joint stock venture, rather than by license to a single individual, as Raleigh’s enterprise was. Upon the expiration of Raleigh’s patent, the London Company, whose goal was to wring similar profits from western trade and expansion, was organized along similar lines.

De Bry’s America was one of many publications either undertaken or promoted during the 1580s and 1590s to keep English interest in North American colonization alive. Also significant in this way were Richard Hakluyt’s twelve volumes of Principal Navigations, a collection of all the accounts of travels and voyages made by Englishmen anywhere in the world that Hakluyt could get his hands on, including Hariot’s narrative. This propagandizing certainly worked in the case of one young man, Captain John Smith. Smith was born only two years before Hakluyt’s first collection of English voyages was published (Divers Voyages, 1582), and he was ten when de Bry’s America came out. Whether it was the circulation of publications like these or the fact that it was the best way for a young man of little means to make his way in the world, by the time he was sixteen, John Smith was traveling. He first fought in the religious wars in the Low Countries, then served in Scotland. By 1600, he was off to fight in Hungary, where he beheaded Turks in hand-to-hand combat, and where, in a less successful battle, he was captured and sent as a slave to Tartary. He escaped by shooting his master and impersonating him all the way across the steppe to Muscovy. Returning home, the French ship he was on detoured to North Africa and successfully attacked and plundered Spanish treasure ships, leaving him a rich man. Back in London, in 1606 Smith signed up for the expedition that was being organized by the London Company to Chesapeake Bay.

Once there, he was a member of the resident council and later President of the colony, conducted negotiations with the native people and led expeditions into the interior. He was captured in the summer of 1607, but he managed to stay alive until brought to the chief Powhatan (shown in the upper left hand box of the map, enlarged in Slide 4) who allowed him to return to Jamestown with four native guides six months later. When he recounts this period of imprisonment in his General Historie of 1624, Smith describes the intervention on his behalf of Powhatan's daughter Pocahontas; in the text that accompanies the 1612 Map of Virginia, this account is omitted or is yet to be invented.

Around the same time, the London Company, unhappy with the colony's lack of financial return, was reorganizing it with a new charter and new officials. The nine ships that carried the new orders across the Atlantic encountered violent storms that separated the flagship (on which, foolishly, were billeted all the officials) from the others. It landed safely at Bermuda, where all but five of the 150 sailors and colonists survived for ten months, until they could build new pinnaces and sail the remaining hundred miles to Virginia. It is thought that William Strachey's account of the storm and the “pleasant isle” to which it blew them is a source document for Shakespeare's The Tempest.

The men that did meanwhile arrive in Jamestown knew enough of the new charter to undermine Smith's authority, but were not themselves authorized to take charge. He attempted to continue directing the colony, but the situation became so uncertain and factionalized that he was ousted from office and left for England in October, 1609, six months before the shipwrecked officials made their “miraculous” reappearance from Bermuda. Once back in London, Smith, lacking major employment, at odds with the London Company because his unasked-for and unheeded advice had proven true, attempted to sell that expertise to a different market; he published his A Map of Virginia with a Description of the Country in 1612, a description of the natural features of the country, to which was affixed a fold-out map (Slide 3).

The colony itself, meanwhile, struggled on, those remaining there passing through terrible near-starvation and mismanaging their relationships with the native peoples. In the years following the publication of the Map of Virginia, one problem was solved, however, and that was the development of an export commodity of great enough demand in England to produce the financial return expected by the London Company subscribers—tobacco. The extensive manual labor necessary for its cultivation would also determine the social structure of the area and even the history of the states that were founded there for centuries to come.

This is the third plate in the engravings that illustrated Thomas Hariot’s A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia, published by the Flemish engraver and publisher Theodore de Bry in the first volume of his four-volume work America (1590), which is also sometimes called Grandes Voyages, Voyages, Great Voyages, or, in Latin, India Occidentalis. The full title of Hariot’s work gives us a great deal of information about its origins:

“A brief and true report of the new found land of Virginia, of the commodities and of the nature and manners of the natural inhabitants. Discovered by the English Colony there seated by Sir Richard Grenville, Knight, in the year 1585. Which remained under the government of twelve months, at the special charge and direction of the Honorable Sir Walter Raleigh, Knight, Lord Warden of the Stanneries. Who therein hath been favored and authorized by her Majesty and her letters patents. This fore book is made in English by Thomas Hariot, Servant to the above named Sir Walter, a member of the colony, and there employed in discovering” (spelling modernized).

The colony referred to is the first Roanoke colony, located within the Outer Banks of what is now called North Carolina, from April, 1585 until June, 1586. During that year, Thomas Hariot, expert mathematician, surveyed the are, accompanied by the artist John White. Much of the material they gathered was lost, according to Hariot's account, in the hurry of boarding departing ships during a great storm, but enough survived for Hariot to write his accounts and for White's drawings to be made into engravings by de Bry.

This engraving, then, is already three times removed from the thing it represents: it is White’s representation of what he saw, and it is de Bry’s rendering of White’s drawings. (These are reproduced in Hulton, 1994; see, in particular, Plate 48.) The figure itself is given a classical pose, so that while his headgear is unfamiliar, his demeanor is not. At the same time, the arrangement of the feathers on his head and the tail hanging from his quiver of arrows make him oddly animal-like. Behind him is a hunting scene in which we find the same juxtaposition of European and non-European elements. The trees are drawn in rows, as if they are part of an estate parkland, the deer on the far right leaps up in a visual echo of a tapestry. Yet the hunters are not mounted by running afoot, and are without European clothing. We can see in these details that the artist was drawing on familiar images to portray what was unfamiliar, and so we have to conjecture how much of what was new and different was altered to fit what the artist could understand.

When this image is copied again onto the John Smith map (Slide 3), a Susquahannock, a man of the place known to him as Wingina (now Virginia and Maryland) is represented by an image of a man of Secotan (now North Carolina), hundreds of miles distant. Thus the representation on Smith's map is yet another remove from the thing represented. Several changes are made. The string of beads around the de Bry figure’s neck is replaced on the Smith map by an animal skin, which might indicate differences in custom between the two peoples, or has the effect of clothing the figure further, bringing him closer to European conventions. The Smith figure no longer has the earlike feathers or the tail hanging from the quiver behind, though he does have an animal carcass or headed animal hide slung behind his left hip. Further, he is to some extent disarmed, as he no longer hold an arrow at all, but just the bow in his left hand, and a stick on which he leans in his right.

This is Plate 21 of the engravings that illustrated Thomas Hariot’s A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia, published by the Flemish engraver and publisher Theodore de Bry in the first volume of his four-volume work America (1590). The text that accompanies it explains that it is a figure carved of wood, four feet high, painted in various colors. Two or three of these together, he says, “are placed in a dark corner” of the local people's temples, “where they show terrible.” He is careful to note that the head is “like the heads of the people in Florida” (spelling modernized). The point of reference for this comparison is not any actual encounter that Hariot had with native Floridians—the people who called themselves Timucuans—but with illustrations of them made by the Frenchman Jacque Sir Le Moyne De Morgues thirty years earlier.

Le Moyne participated in the Huguenot attempt of 1564 to establish a French Protestant presence in Florida. The first French explorations of the area were undertaken by Jean Ribault in 1562; the 1564 settlement was initially led by Laudonnier, who was subsequently succeeded by Ribault. The colony only lasted for four months, from June, 1564, until it fell to Spanish attack in September. Both Laudonnier and Le Moyne were among the few who escaped to give an account of the settlement. Laudonnier published his in L'histoire notable de la Floride (Paris, 1586), which was translated into English by Hakluyt as A Notable Historie Containing Foure Voyages Made by Certayne French Captaynes unto Florida (London, 1587). While there is no record that Le Moyne was able to bring anything with him when he escaped, some of his drawings, perhaps sent with ships that returned to France before the Spanish attack, and to some extent merely his visual memory, were the basis for engravings credited to Le Moyne by de Bry in the second part of America. More importantly, two contemporary studies of Le Moyne's drawings do exist, and these were drawn by the same John White who accompanied Thomas Hariot to Roanoke (Hulton, 1977, Vol. 2, Plate 63). In them, the man’s headgear is like that shown on the Idol Kiwasa.

What this means is that the illustrations the Englishman White made of the people and customs of the Chesapeake were already visually influenced by images that had been made by a Frenchman of the people of Florida. The stance of the Florida man and woman in White’s copy of Le Moyne is echoed, though reversed, in the engraving “A Weroan or Great Lorde of Virginia” (de Bry Plate 3, Slide 1) that reappears on Smith’s map of Virginia (Slide 3). And so we find that the derivation of the images on the John Smith map stretch further back and further away: the image of the Susquahannock of the Chesapeake was influenced by the engraving of a drawing of a “weroan” of the people of what is now North Carolina, which was influenced by a drawing made from a drawing of a man of Florida.

The Idol Kiwasa, as White acknowledges, has a head “like the heads of the people of Florida,” which means either that the religious costume of one people was similar to that of another hundreds of miles away, or that White was able to make sense of what he saw using images he already had seen in Le Moyne’s drawings. This process of derivation can also be seen in the similarity of the position of the idol to the position of Powhatan in the portrayal of “the state and fashion” he held “when Capt. Smith was delivered to him prisoner” that occupies the upper left hand corner of Smith’s map (Slides 3 and 4).

This is John Smith’s A Map of Virginia, engraved by William Hole. The original folds out from the back cover of a pamphlet of the same name published by Joseph Barnes at Oxford University in 1612. Several manuscript maps still exist that were made during the 1607 explorations of the Chesapeake area that accompanied the settlement of the English colony of Jamestown, but scholars do not agree on the relationship between them and Smith’s printed map (Verner, 5-9). What is known is that Smith participated in those explorations, and the settlement that accompanied them, from May, 1607, through July, 1609, and upon his return to England, was very active in the promotion of the colony. The pamphlet is the first of his efforts in print. He also promotes his own part in the doings of the colony by the inscription under the compass, “Discovered and described by Captayn John Smyth” and under the portrait in the upper left hand corner of the “state and fashion” held by the native chief Powhatan when “Smith was delivered to him prisoner.” Later versions of the map also include Smith’s coat of arms to the right of the compass.

The map is drawn with west at the top instead of north. It shows Chesapeake Bay and the rivers which feed into it, trees and mountains, the names of the native peoples as well as those of English and native settlements. Across the top a banner with the English place name—“Virginia”—unfurls over the English king’s coat of arms. Powhatan’s portrait occupies the upper left hand corner, and a key to the marks used (“Signification of these marks”), the upper right. The right side of the map is dominated by a figure of a “Sasquesahanough” or Susquahannock man.

The coastline within the bay and the course of the rivers are drawn with a great deal of detail, indicating the focus of Smith’s explorations; in contrast, the outer coastline, on what is called the “Virginian Sea,” is only vaguely stippled in. It appears that there is a second bay of some kind further north, with a tongue coming down on its far north side that could be what are now known as Delaware Bay and Cape May. Laid over this vague image is the figure of a compass and scale that anchors the whole map, contains Smith’s name, and asserts the mapmaker’s confidence in a future in which all of that land will be made known to the European eye.

There are as yet few English place names. On either side of the mouth of the Chesapeake we find “Cape Henrye” and “Cape Charle,” named for the sons of King James I; “Smyth's Iles” (Isles) on the outer shore, to the right of Cape Charles; the wistfully named “Poynt Comfort” just within the bay; and of course, “Jamestowne” itself, upriver from Point Comfort. What will later be called the James River is still in 1612 the “Powhatan.”

The physical world of Virginia is a riot of trees and hills. We can see by its depiction how difficult it was for the newcomers to get a grasp of all that was there before them. Trees are drawn one by one; the impression given is one of a vast parkland, nothing like the sheer mass of the first-growth forest that stretched from the Hudson to the Florida peninsula. Vying with the natural features are the place names, the letters at times jostling for room and tumbling diagonally between waterways, which are themselves barely disentangled from the trees and unfamiliar place names. In the upper right side, above the Virginia banner, lies another tantalizingly vague shadow, looking suspiciously like a large body of water: either an indication of native accounts of the Great Lakes, or the expression of the Europeans’ wish that the ocean in which the Indies and all their riches lie is a short land march away.

The presence of a representation of Powhatan’s “state” or court is significant in that it acknowledges the existence of the native peoples and their governance, an acknowledgement that is strengthened by the figure of the Susquahannock on the right side of the map, the native place names, and the symbols of their “houses” that are explained in the legend. At the same time, the location of the coat of arms of the English King James I (the crown atop the four-part shield that depicts the symbols of England, Ireland and Scotland) between Powhatan and the Susquahanock suggests a challenge to Powhatan’s “rule” over his people, and shows the intention of the English (who have already incorporated the Scots and Irish) to take their place in the new land. The banner of Virginia is another symbol of English intentions to dominate, perhaps representing the flag planted to claim lands. It surreptitiously wraps itself around the Susquahannock, bracketing him from the bay and the English settlement. In the same way, the thin ends of the scale banner at the bottom of the map, held in place by the points of the compass, insinuate their way into the land itself, while a European ship, sails furled, waits outside the harbor.

Returning to the legend, it is significant that Smith is careful to indicate that “To the crosses hath bin discovered what beyond is by relation.” In other words, Smith is careful to indicate what parts of the map can be said to be derived from his direct exploration of the places shown, and which are the result of accounts given to him by others. This shows some awareness on Smith’s part of the problems of representation presented by a map such as his.

This is an enlargement of a detail from John Smith’s A Map of Virginia (Slide 3), a map affixed to the back cover of a pamphlet of the same name published by Joseph Barnes at Oxford University in 1612.

This image enlarged here occupies the upper left hand corner of the map. It shows a gathering of Powhatan and his people in the interior of a building made of upright saplings bound together with cross pieces. Some of these are bent to form an arched roof. Over the frame, on the outside, seem to be hung finer bound twigs, laid on or at least drawn in a pattern. On the floor are woven mats. Powhatan sits on a platform raised to just above the heads of those seated below, wearing a crown-like headdress of feathers. His legs are bent and his feet are on a stool, the legs of which are obscured by the rising smoke from the fire. Two rows of people flank the fire; on the left, only the first two are distinctly drawn. The row on the right is double, with the front female figure on the far right bearing a strange likeness, in the tilt of the head, to Botticelli's Venus.

Many parts of this image echo the drawings made by John White during the Roanoke voyages of 1585-86, which were engraved by Theodore de Bry for inclusion in his America in 1590 (reproduced in Hariot, 1972). The structure of the building is similar to those drawn by White, as are the positions of the seated figures and logs and curling smoke illustration of the fire. These similarities could be because the customs of the peoples of Secotan and Powhatan were similar, or because what Smith saw was influenced by the engravings he had already seen in de Bry. One important implication of the echoes of White on Smith is the position in which Powhatan is displayed. His legs and his right arm duplicate the position of “Ther Idol Kiwasa” (de Bry plate 21, Slide 2). This resemblance, along with the arch-roofed long building and the two double rows of observers, give an appearance of worship to the scene, one that with the fire in the center gives the impression that Powhatan’s “state” is held with an air of idolatry that needs to be thrown down. On the other hand, however, the representation of Powhatan as holding “state” admits to a structure of governance that is counterpoised on the map to the symbol of the English state, the coat of arms which is divided into four parts and crowned as well.

So Smith shows Powhatan as the ruler of his people, but the image by which that is portrayed is an image already established in the European mind as one of idolatry. This has two implications. The first is that the native people are thus in need of correction. The second is that obeisance to a king sitting in state is itself a kind of idolatry, which raises the possibility of a challenge to the rule of kings over subjects. The possibility that this image offers such a commentary is perhaps borne out by the fact that on the 1651 Ferrar map (Slide 6), made after the execution of the English king Charles I, neither image—the “state” held by a chief, nor the coat of arms of the king—remains. At the same time, however, portraying Powhatan as holding “state” shows an application of European ideas of political order to a relationship between the native people and their leader that was not at all organized in the same way.

The father of Jodocus Hondius Jr. and Henry Hondius was the son-in-law of the great atlas-maker Mercator, and when Jodocus Sr. died in 1612, his two sons carried on the family business. In 1618, Jodocus Jr., with a new, up-to-date atlas in mind, made a new plate from the Smith map, replacing certain English titles and captions with Latin. But, he separated his business from his brother’s when he married in 1621, and when he died in 1629, his widow, trying to raise funds to complete his atlas, sold 37 of his plates, including that of Virginia, to William Blaeu, whose printing house in Amsterdam published it repeatedly for the next 40 years. Henry Hondius and his brother-in-law, angry that Jodocus’ plate had been sold to their competitor, had new plates engraved that were identical to the first plate of 1618. These also continued to be used. In this way, the 1618 plate and its copies, and thus Smith’s map before them, became the primary source for information about the Chesapeake Bay area until 1673, when a new map was made by surveyor Augustine Hermann for Lord Baltimore (Verner, 39-40, and Burden, 237-68).

This map retains many of the features of the Smith map (Slide 3), for example, the depiction in the upper left hand corner of Powhatan’s “state” and the figure of the Susquahannock on the right, but with differences. By inscribing Powhatan’s name into a Latin caption (“Powhatan held this state and fashion” becomes “Status Regis Powhatan”), he is brought into the legacy of Roman conquest. The Susquahannock, identified on the Smith map as one of “a Gyantlink people” is significantly shrunken; instead of dominating the land, he is pushed to the side and is barely larger than the English coat of arms. The inscription underneath him is changed on this map to “Habitus foeminarum Provincia Susquesahanougs,” which not only eliminates any reference to his stature, but calls him a woman.

Visually, the map is far more orderly than Smith’s. The native place names appear in tidy rows along the rivers, which are themselves more clearly defined. At the same time, shrinking these names has the same effect as diminishing the figure as discussed above: the native presence is reduced to order. The trees are fewer, smaller, and of a more limited variety. The hills and mountains seem to have been more thoroughly sorted out; the larger are beyond the settled areas, particularly to the northwest. This pushing out impacts the representation of the native population as well, just like the shrinking place names: The Susquahannock is farther out than the farthest mountain. A mysterious large body of water, hinting at the hope of a Northwest Passage, is still indicated by stippling in the upper right corner, and the large bay to the north of the Chesapeake still appears tentatively in the lower right. On the other hand, the coastline leading off from both sides of the mouth of the bay is no longer indistinct.

What is important to keep in mind is that all the map makers associated with this map have never been to the place it represents. The changes between it and the Smith map, in that sense, might be taken only as indications of artistic impulses toward a more tidy piece of cartography. At the same time, we must consider the impact of that impulse to order, expressed by European artists, as it impacted the development of the country it represented, as European settlement continued there.

Farrer served as an officer of the Virginia Company, and it is thought that his daughter, Virginia, who published later versions of the map (the first woman to publish a map of America), was also similarly involved with the colony.

This map is the last of Virginia in the seventeenth century to have a western orientation, and is the most strange to modern eyes because of the prominent representation at the top of the map of the coastline of the western ocean, labeled “The Sea of China and the Indies.” The graphic boldness of this part of the map is an indicator of how strongly held the belief (or wish) still was that trade with China was no more than “10 days march with 50 foote [soldiers] and 30 horsemen from the head of the James River.” There was, in fact, no evidence to the contrary in 1651, as no European had yet traversed the Appalachians. This map also shows a greater extent of the Atlantic coastline than those that preceded it. To the south, it shows the entirety of the Outer Banks of what is now North Carolina, a variation of the name “Carolana” that appears for the first time on this map, just below the “V” of Virginia. To the north, it includes “Delaware Bay,” shown significantly smaller in proportion to the Chesapeake than in previous maps, perhaps because exploration had confirmed that it would not provide the sought-after Northwest Passage. Just beyond that lies “Long Island,” with a north-south orientation, and, a mere jump away, on the wrong side of “Cape Codd” (which does appear at the far left), “Hudson’s River,” optimistically connected to “a mighty great Lake” which, beyond a thin strip of land at its farthest extent, provides access to the ever-desirable “Sea of China.”

The landscape of the map is benign, almost whimsical. The mountains seem to have conveniently receded beyond the reaches of the rivers, the scattered trees are drawn like botanical specimens. The illustrations resemble those of a bestiary, with carefully drawn animals, one of each species, posing in the spaces between the waterways: bird markings shown in detail; a porcupine and a beaver, unknown in Europe; pairs of game animals; and, up in the western ocean, flying fish. These animals present little danger, the only act of aggression being the capturing of a bird by a dog-like animal, perhaps a wolf, above the first bend of the James River.

That river, on maps made in 1608 (Slide 3) and 1635 (Slide 5), was first labeled the Powhatan, after the leader of the native people of the area. This change in the river’s name is another indicator of the degree to which the colonist’s sense of threat has diminished, or at least shifted. Some of the landmarks still bear native names, but the group names have been pushed out to the peripheries, for example, the “Mangoacke C[ountry]” the “Mambes C.,” and “Massawomecks” spread across the line of the Appalachians. Disputes are now as likely with the Dutch, who “have a plantation” on the Hudson, or between the “Sweeds Plantat[ion]” and the “Hollands Plant” that jostle for room along the Delaware, which is captioned on one side, “This river the Lord Ploydon hath a Patten [patent] of and calls it New Albion,” and on the other, “but the Sweeds are planted in it and have a great trade of Furrs.”

Other representations of the native peoples are gone as well. There is no more room on the right of the map for the figure of the Susquahannock, though a river is still attributed to them (the last out of the Chesapeake at the far right end), a river whose name is the only remnant of their presence today. The picture of Powhatan’s “state and fashion” is also gone, which means that there is no longer any acknowledgement of native systems of self-rule. At the same time, the royal coat of arms is also gone, indicating that the colonists’ relationship to monarchical rule has also changed.

What is most interesting about the myriad of European place names that decorate this map is that they establish that this is a place with a history that is linked to Europe’s. The nomenclature of the Virginian Sea has been dropped; now it is “Mare Atlanticum,” the same in which England sits. Giving the name in Latin, when much of the rest of the map’s titling is in English, implies a connection to the birthplace of Latin, Rome, and to the empire-building voyager, Aeneas, who founded it. Further, the place name “Ould Rawliana” connects the Virginia Sir Walter Raleigh named in 1585, which was to come to be called Carolina, with the Virginia of this map, where Virginia is today. That Virginia is just beginning to be divided off from “Mary Land,” where “the Lord Baltimore’s Plantation” was “begun 1635.” Just the presence of that past tense verb, “begun,” tells volumes.

1. “A Weroan or Great Lord of Virginia,” in Thomas Hariot, A Briefe and True Report on the New Found Land of Virginia, in Theodore de Bry, [India Occidentalis], vol. 1 (Frankfurt Am Main, 1590), pl. 3.
2. “Ther Idol Kiwasa. XXI,” in Thomas Hariot, A Briefe and True Report on the New Found Land of Virginia, in Theodore de Bry, [India Occidentalis], vol. 1 (Frankfurt Am Main, 1590), pl. 21.
3. “Virginia...discovered and described by Captayn John Smith,” in A Map of Virginia with a Description of the Countrey, the Commodities, People, Government and Religion (Oxford: Joseph Barnes, 1612).
4. “Powhatan Held this state & fashion when Capt’. Smith was delivered to him prisoner, 1607,” detail from “Virginia...discovered and described by Captayn John Smith,” in A Map of Virginia with a Description of the Countrey, the Commodities, People, Government and Religion (Oxford: Joseph Barnes, 1612).
5. Jodocus Hondius, Nova Virginia tabula (Amsterdam: Hondius, ca. 1635).
6. Virginia Farrer [after John Farrer], A Mapp of Virginia Discovered to ye Hills (London: J. Stephenson, 1651).

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Quinn, D.B. “Thomas Harriot and the New World” in John W. Shirley, ed., Thomas Hariot, Renaissance Scientist. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974, pp. 36-53.

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